Operation Moses, the
furtive airlift of Ethiopian Jews from refugee camps in the Sudan, took
place during November and December of 1984. It brought approximately
7,000 Ethiopian Jews into Israel, many of them harbouring tropical
viruses, many in severely emaciated condition, but all overjoyed to walk
upon the soil which they considered sacred.
When these people
finally arrived in Israel from their overcrowded refugee camps, most
went through a careful screening process to make certain that they were
Jews, and not Christian Ethiopians. Those who could prove they were
Jews were proffered immigration cards; their identity cards would only
be awarded when they 'renewed their Judaism', the women by ritual
immersion in the mikvah, the men through a re-enactment of circumcision,
although they were already circumcised. The Israeli government
contended that these rites were necessary as a result of the Ethiopians'
"significant isolation from Judaism and the Jewish world for hundreds
of years". Those 'unfortunates' discovered to be Christian Ethiopians
were spared this humiliation, and given temporary visas, then sent to
work on kibbutzim.
The most immediate problem of re-settlement
was health; doctors were faced with infectious diseases they'd
previously only known through their medical textbooks, including
malaria, typhoid, jaundice and widespread malnutrition.
These
thousands joined a like number of Ethiopian Jews whose slow migration
had begun twenty-five years earlier. During that period, a mere trickle
of Ethiopian Jews had pulsed into the country, aided by Jewish welfare
groups. Later, associations were set up for rescue - and finally, bit
by bit, a kind of underground railroad was established by the Israeli
government itself.
The Action Committee for Ethiopian Jews had
been pleading with the Israeli government for years to act more
decisively to negotiate with the Ethiopian government to re-unify
families and to bring in greater numbers of Ethiopians from their
severely underprivileged environment. Governmental inaction resulted in
suicides of despair, with some Beta Israel threatening suicide by
immolation before the Israeli Parliament in a last desperate effort to
embarrass the government into action.
Who are these dark-skinned
Africans who proudly wear the mantle of Judaism? They're familiarly
known as Falashas, an Amharic term denoting 'strangers'. But Ethiopian
Jews consider themselves denigrated by this, as indeed, the word in
Amharic is meant to convey 'outcast'. These black Jews call themselves
Beta Israel. The House of Israel; indicative of the pride in their
Jewish identity, their biblical descent from Solomon, their adherence to
ancient religious rites, and faithfulness against all adversity. They
have been ritually scorned, publicly stoned, and officially neglected,
in Ethiopia.
This is also a people lost in time, an iron-age
still-life, a once-isolated group convinced that they represent the only
Jews on earth, the only remnants of a once-numerous tribe. Legend had
it that they were one of the ten lost tribes of Israel.
Ethiopian
Jews fervently believe their genesis was a bright amour between King
Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, the beautiful Abyssinian Princess
Makeda, which produced a son, whom Queen Sheba had sent as a child to
Solomon to receive his education. His father returned him eventually as
a young man, purportedly with the Tablets of the Law of Moses. This
son, Menelik I, later ruled Abyssinia.
Although as a group the
Ethiopian Jews of this era are largely illiterate, unskilled and
desperately poor, in the historical past they were influential and of
the ruling class. Several civil wars disrupted the ruling hierarchy and
other groups entered the ascendancy. So for past centuries, the Beta
Israel have lived alongside other Ethiopians in miserable poverty,
practising such lower-class occupations as pottery and iron-mongering.
They have lived mostly in Gondar Province, and in Tigre, in northern
Ethiopia, among their neighbours, many of whom were Coptic Christians,
some of whose religious customs are almost identical. Beta Israel
celebrate Passover and observe the Sabbath; succeeding post-Diaspora
religious rites were unknown to them. This is, then, a people unfamiliar
with the Twentieth Century, for whom a subsistence standard of living
has been a way of life. They lived in small thatched huts, and built
small circular clay buildings as synagogues.
This is also a
people which has been inexcusably neglected. By their country, by the
world at large, but inexplicably, by their co-religionists. Their
presence has long been known, but interest in their state of being, and
later their pathetic plight, has been slow to spark. Even when isolated
groups of Canadian and American Jews began to evince some interest and
concern, there was no organized movement to attempt to provide support.
The State of Israel behaved as though this group did not exist.
No less an historian than Abba Eban, in Heritage: Civilization and the Jews,
mentions them on three occasions in passing, with no reference to their
historicity and heritage. Similarly, in the seminal work, The Jews: Their History,
edited by Louis Finkelstein, Chancellor of the Jewish Theological
Seminary of America, in a brief, dismissive sentence, it is noted: "The
dark-skinned Falashas of Abyssinia, presumably descended from
proselytes made in a remote age, retain their individuality even now."
Thus in one fell swoop, while the venerableness of their existence is
not disputed, the genuineness of their heritage is, and thus the
legitimacy of their pride.
These views, sadly, are typical. As a
result, Jewish welfare agencies neglected the Ethiopian Jews. Although
some relief work was undertaken from the 1950s, it was sparse and
sporadic. In 1973 the Sephardic chief rabbi of Israel declared himself
finally to be satisfied that the Beta Israel were legitimately Jews.
Soon afterward the Israeli government pronounced them to be eligible for
Israeli citizenship under the Law of Return.
But no energetic
activity to aid their emigration to Israel was undertaken. The Beta
Israel themselves obviously hadn't the means by which they could effect
transit to Israel, nor lobby the Ethiopian government to permit
emigration. Relief agencies were slow to convince themselves to act in
the interests of the Beta Israel.
Finally, North American
concerned groups such as Friends of Falasha (Calgary), Ottawa chapter
for Ethiopian Jewry, the Canadian Association for Ethiopian Jewry
(Toronto and Montreal) began moving things forward. Countdown - New
York Association for Ethiopian Jews and Centre for Beta Israel (Ramat
Gan, Israel) began to lobby vigorously for public subscriptions. They
sought to raise massive amounts needed to send food and medicine to the
villages in Ethiopia, along with medical teams, and to pressure the
Israeli government to act. Even so, the Israeli government appeared to
be loathe to follow through on its own welcoming edict.
Finally,
the desolation of the drought in Africa. Ethiopia was hard hit. the
drought had devastated the countryside. With the growth of public
concern and outrage over the horrific conditions in Ethiopia in late
1984, the world responded, sending great sums of money for relief work,
airlifting medical teams, foodstuffs, tents and drugs to those hellholes
of human despair.
The 400,000 Ethiopians who had fled from the
dreadful drought and the fallout of the civil War in Eritrea Province to
try to find comfort in the burgeoning camps in the Sudan were dying of
starvation almost as quickly as those left behind in their villages.
Even
in the camps of Sudan, mostly crowded with Muslim Ethiopians, the
Ethiopian Jews were harassed and harried. The death rate from
starvation and illness mounted day by day. Of the Ethiopian Jews who
had made their way into the camps, roughly one-third died of privation
and an epidemic of diseases before Israel launched its airlift. The
rescue was never completed. It was estimated that some four thousand
Jews were left behind in the camps when premature disclosure of news of
the rescue halted the airlift.
The U.S. had acted as liaison to
bring Sudanese officials and Israeli agents in concert to plan the
logistics for the airlift. The Sudanese government had insisted that
the planeloads of refugees from the rescue mission not be flown directly
to Israel, but that they be flown first to another destination, then on
to Israel - for diplomatic reasons. The news media were urged, and
pledged themselves to secrecy so that the rescue attempt would not be
jeopardized.
However, word did leak prematurely, effectively
aborting the mission. When Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir had visited
the United States several weeks earlier, he had told Jewish leaders that
Israel would require about $100-million to resettle Ethiopian Jews.
And then Leon Dalzhin, chairman of the Jewish Agency, the Israeli
organization charged with absorbing new refugees, is said to have noted
also in early December that there had been "a sudden jump in
immigration, far beyond the figures we had projected for this and the
coming year - one of the ancient tribes of Israel is due to return to
its homeland". An Israeli magazine picked it up. One of its reporters
had been the recipient of this coy little bit of news, and soon
afterward the news of another dazzling Israeli coup was flashed around
the world.
Dismayed, American Jews pressured their own government
to rescue the estimated remaining four thousand Ethiopian Jews left
behind in the camps. A later American airlift was able to find and
remove a mere additional nine hundred, all that could be found of those
who were left. Many had perished, and no doubt some had made the long
trek back to their mountainside villages.
It is now estimated
that an additional eight thousand women, children, the ill and the
elderly are left to languish in Ethiopia. In early 1984 the Beta Israel
communities had steadily been depleted as the young and the hale left
to find refuge in the Sudan. Those who were unfit for travel were left
behind in the primitive villages. Young children, the ill, the old and
the women who care for them, are now left to fend for themselves. Those
who had travelled to the refugee centres set up in the Sudan found the
situation slightly better, with relief supplies and food being supplied
as a good-will gesture by the Sudanese government for 'fellow Muslims'
in an effort to help their neighbours. (This was, of course, at a time
when the Sudan hadn't yet been hit as hard as Ethiopia; since then the
situation in Sudan has paralleled that of its neighbour.) Food was
anything but plentiful in the camps, hygiene was poor, and if those
Jewish thousands had not been rescued what is left of a once-numerous
tribe might well have dwindled to an endangered species.
The
government of Israel still appears reluctant to use diplomacy to
complete the rescue of Beta Israel. One might think that Israel is
unwilling to further burden itself with this dark-skinned and primitive
people. Granted, the rescue itself, the relocation of the refugees,
their housing, medicine, food, clothing, education, work placement and
training all require a massive expenditure of bureaucratic planning, and
scarce Israeli shekels in an already over-strained war economy. But
public subscription (particularly from North American sources) to assist
the State in its commitment should help considerably to make up for the
costs involved.
Perhaps settling this people throughout a
country housing Jews whose background is European/Mediterranean/Arabic
presents the government with another dilemma, integrating a socially and
economically disadvantaged group whose existence was an embarrassment
to the State.
Another thorny issue of course, is the reaction of
the orthodox to this influx of 'others'. Both the Ashkenazic and the
Sephardic chief rabbis have finally declared the Beta Israel to be truly
Jews, with no need for further demeaning 'conversion' ceremonies. But
regional orthodox rabbis are steadfastly refusing this recognition
without the ceremonial of the mikva and ritual circumcision. The Beta
Israel, deeply insulted by these emotionally injurious demands, are
heartbroken at the turn of events. A protest march staged around Israel
by the Beta Israel to bitterly demonstrate their opposition to the
symbolic conversation (which holds their belief in their heritage in
absolute contempt) was emotional and led many Ethiopian Jews to declare
that this final humiliation compelled them to compare Israel
unfavourably with their former condition in Ethiopia where they were at
least recognized as Jews among strangers.
This is a sorry dilemma which deserves a fitting end. That end appears to be a long way off yet.
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